Who is daniel mannix

In spite of a vast library and subscriptions to numerous journals there is little evidence, other than the awe he inspired, to suggest that Mannix was deeply versed in political or socio-economic questions.

Basically he was a social democrat. While he could praise Mussolini to an immigrant Italian audience in as 'the greatest man living today', he had been critical of the invasion of Abyssinia, and had condemned Nazism and especially anti-Semitism.

He was fervently pro-Franco, and hostile to Stalin except as expedient ally, but in , being sceptical that Australians could be fooled, thought communists should not be excluded from the elections. Until then capitalism was the major enemy. He enjoyed cordial relations with Labor governments. Arthur Calwell treasured a filial relationship with him and helped to arrange exemptions from wartime regulations for persons serviceable to the Church. Mannix corresponded with Bert Evatt on constitutional safeguards for religion, approved his powers referendum, humoured him when he complained of Catholic Worker criticism, approved bank nationalization provided co-operative banks were allowed, and supported Evatt's stand against the Big Powers at San Francisco in Mannix condemned the Hiroshima bombing as 'immoral and indefensible', but later complained that General MacArthur had been sent to Korea to make war but forbidden to win it.

However, he mustered the other bishops behind B. Santamaria's Catholic Social Studies Movement which from became a secretive, ambiguously authorized form of Catholic Action although, theologically, it should have been simply 'action of Catholics', not involving the hierarchy and thus not enjoining the consciences of Catholics. Later he denied the 'secrecy' and justified using the same tactics as communists. Mannix could not distinguish between ecclesial and civil roles or understand why a party could not accept outside manipulation.

Although, unlike Santamaria, he personally voted against dissolving the Communist Party in the referendum of , he affirmed with increasing obduracy that Australia was in the gravest danger from communism, even after when the party was shattered. Controversies in the Church following the Labor split elicited from the Vatican a condemnation of 'the Movement' as impolitic and theologically unsound.

He intervened in subsequent elections, allowing his auxiliary bishop to pronounce that no Catholic could vote in conscience for Labor, although in three of the four Federal Labor leaders including Calwell, a future papal knight, were Catholics.

While Mannix was politically naive and, in spite of his quick-wittedness, intellectually shallow, this was not crucial to his spiritual constituency, the clergy and faithful.

Folklore asserted he was one of the four cleverest men in the world. Certainly he was God's warrior in the breastplate of St Patrick smiting bigots with apparent logic and ridicule and edifying the Church militant. Over fifty years the diocesan faithful increased from , to ,; churches from to ; students in Catholic primary schools from 21, to 73,; secondary pupils from to 28,; priests increased by , brothers by , nuns by ; 10 new male and 14 female orders were introduced; 10 seminaries and 7 new hospitals, 3 orphanages, homes for delinquents, the blind and deaf, hostels for girls ….

During the Depression, with Catholics hard hit, he continued building with Keynesian aplomb. He finally crowned Eastern Hill in with cathedral spires, an event he celebrated coincidentally with the centenary of the first Mass in Victoria in a pageant, Credo , at the Melbourne Cricket Ground. This was attended by 60, people, including an English author whom he had personally invited to record the spectacle of Mannix in excelsis giving the final benediction.

Entering the portals of St Patrick's for High Mass, with the Vienna Mozart Boys' Choir which he had saved from wartime internment intoning Palestrina's 'Tu es Petrus', Mannix with steepled hands majestically evoked the numinous mediaeval Church.

Ceremony was one source of his undisputed charisma. Increasingly venerable and dignified, he would spend up to five hours a day in strenuous prayer. Basically an Ignatian formalist, he was neither speculative, mystical nor innovative in liturgy. Sodalities flourished, he sponsored popular devotions such as the Fatima statue and rosary crusades, and adhered to meatless Fridays and morning Mass for fear of 'protestant' indiscipline.

Each Saturday he confessed humbly at St Francis' Church, then shrived penitents for long hours at the cathedral, never stinting his homilies. He was accessible to all at Raheen palace, comforting the troubled and dependent with his solicitude and charming the curious and eminent with his wryness of mind. He performed a perpetual round of communion breakfasts, confirmations, bazaars, requiems, corporal works of mercy, laying foundation stones and blessing new buildings.

Nor did he ask if Queensland Catholics were better off without 'confrontation'. He thought hatred of Catholics by Protestants, with their unfilled churches and babel of doctrines, was inevitable. With tridentine disdain he never entered their churches; he offered courtesy, never fraternization. In he defended Lutheran schools against closure; but Luther himself was 'a distasteful subject … impossible to quote in decent surroundings'.

He enforced the ne temere decree deploring mixed marriages. Mannix ignored his apostate brother Patrick when in England. Such attitudes in a diffused plural society entrenched subcultural divisions but for Mannix Catholics would come into their own on their own terms. Teaching orders were inspired to more exacting efforts to notch government scholarships while they successfully subsidized Catholic upward mobility through celibacy, poverty and obedience.

Their schools did not grasp the chance for divergent curricula; they conformed to the state syllabi plus doctrine and apologetics. Mannix applied himself to wording rigorously the penny catechism; he was hardly an educationist. Before the public subscription for his diamond jubilee was converted into the Mannix travelling scholarship for aspiring Catholic academics, he had to be briefed on the need for them to gain higher degrees. Mannix's cathedral administrator was also his personal secretary and vicar-general; he preferred a single conduit however overburdened but, in time, there were mitres for assiduity.

With minimum effort he controlled policy and patronage; aspiring bishops did the work. Filing systems were a mystery to him; he marvelled at speedy retrievals. He avoided canonical visitations to parishes and schools: his overawed but trusty clergy were left to themselves to minister, raise funds and build. Amateurish planning led to the bungled seven-figure impost on parishes for a new seminary at Glen Waverley which added to the onerous Schools Provident Fund.

This inglorious pile—aesthetics was not Mannix's forte—was soon cheaply sold for a police college. At his death diocesan administration needed serious overhauling. He started a Catholic Education Office with one priest, one room and no staff. He was parsimonious even with the reliable Jesuits to whom he entrusted Newman College, his relatively liberal Corpus Christi seminary at Werribee and the encouragement of lay action.

Among secular clergy and suffragan bishops he felt more comfortable with intellectual mediocrity. Considering that Mannix was too dominant in episcopal councils and influenced preferment for Irish clergy, the apostolic delegate , Archbishop Panico, who declined ever to stay at Raheen, appointed the first Australian-born archbishop, Justin Simonds of Hobart, coadjutor to Mannix without consulting either party.

It was a slight to Mannix's competence. He gave Simonds only peripheral duties; awkward relations were aggravated by Simonds's disapproval of 'the Movement'; Mannix's longevity crippled Simonds's career.

In Australia's cardinalate went to circumspect Sir Norman Gilroy of Sydney; there followed graciously mordant congratulations from Mannix but a noisy protest from Calwell, and disapproval from Duhig. His long career as archbishop continued to be marked by controversy, but he remained in office until his death at the age of 99 on 6 November , just as the church was embarking on Vatican II.

On his death the cathedral bell tolled 99 times, at one minute intervals and there was a 13 gun salute, but no large public procession, at the Archbishop's own request. Jennie Baines Sarah Jane Jennie Baines was a radical feminist and socialist who was a significant force in the anti-conscription movement From Federation in until With Vida Goldstein she helped Read More Adela Pankhurst Walsh and the conscription debate Adela Pankhurst was born in , the third daughter of the famous English suffrage campaigner Emmeline Pankhurst and Richard Pankhurst, Read More Referendum or plebiscite?

The precise meaning and use of the terms 'referendum' and 'plebiscite' have varied between countries and over time. In It is a source of national pride that Australia fielded a volunteer army throughout World War I.

But it might He worked in the He was a strong advocate of They were told that the British government would not permit Mannix to land in Ireland. Liverpool, Manchester and Glasgow all of which had big Irish populations were also off limits.

The destroyer would take him to another British coastal destination. The British cabinet had been taking legal advice as to how best to deal with Mannix. Under the Defence of the Realm Act he could be kept out of Ireland, where his presence might lead to violent demonstrations.

It was also claimed that his speeches in the United States amounted to sedition, and that if he landed in England he could be arrested and deported. The idea of charging Mannix with sedition was rejected on the grounds that the archbishop would get bail and that there would be a long drawn-out trial.

As a compromise it was decided to have him arrested at sea, brought to England, and kept under surveillance. We took our time getting ready for the transhipment.

When quite ready we went to the deck, where the gangplank was let down to the waiting pinnace with its crew of British Jack Tars. Rather than make an angry protest against being kept out of Ireland and denied the chance to see his mother, Mannix played it as comedy.

The British government helped by landing him at Penzance on the Cornish coast. Calling himself the Pirate of Penzance, he provided a perfect line for the press, and made the government look silly.

All the same, his mood was grim. That glimpse of the Irish coast stirred longings for home. There was no one to meet him at Penzance.

He was tired and hungry, having been too seasick to eat anything on the destroyer. No one was at home in the local Catholic church. Vaughan found a convent, where nuns gave them breakfast, and made some phone calls. A well-placed old friend, Bishop Timothy Cotter of Portsmouth, offered to meet the London train en route and work out the next move. One of the few Irish bishops in England, Cotter was as intransigent a nationalist as Mannix, and just as outspoken.

Two years younger than Mannix, he had been to the same school in Fermoy, Co Cork, and had followed him to Maynooth before being sent to parish work on the Isle of Wight.

Instead he stayed at a retirement home for priests at Hammersmith, run by the Sisters of St Joseph of Nazareth. Here he amused himself by slipping in and out without being seen by the Scotland Yard men assigned to keep watch. As always he fed the press some good lines. The best of them appeared on August 11th, in the London Times:.

During World War I he campaigned openly alongside the Labour party against conscription for the armed forces, and by the end of the war he and the Catholics who looked to him for leadership had become a powerful influence on the Labour party in Australia. In he visited Rome by way of the United States, where large and vocal audiences marked his tour at every stop, but he was forbidden to land in Ireland.

Australian Catholic Action originated in Mannix's Melbourne diocese in and developed into one of the most efficient and highly organized systems of Catholic Action in the world. Mannix was a firm believer in the idea that communism was now the principal enemy and partly for this reason was a close supporter of Bartholomew Santamaria and what was termed "The Movement" in Victoria, but in his advancing years he tended to lose touch with the work of Catholic Action in the trade unions and the Labour party.

Nevertheless, after the split in the Australian Labour party in , Mannix supported the dissident Democratic Labour party and in the federal elections of issued a statement warning Catholics against voting for the Australian Labour party, led by Herbert Vere Evatt, on the grounds that "every Communist and Communist sympathizer in Australia wants a victory for the Evatt party.